1/16 MLK more than ever

digest intro: Why MLK gets bigger & better:

Things were going very badly for the US after unleashing state terror in Afghanistan and Iraq, while declaring justified resistance 'terrorism'. Most of the world turned against US 'global war on terror' and its frontman GWB who added fuel to the fire, and new tactics were called for to advance its bipartisan 'national security' strategy for global domination. After analysis ad debate in all the usual think-tanks, military & otherwise, NGOs, academies and foundations, it was decided then heralded by State Dept. diplomat-in-chief Clinton, that soft power would 'resurge', elevated now to equal-partner with 'hard' power, as 'smart power. The first major trial run was US AFRICOM vs. Libya, in this administration's MENA version of the failed Bush administrations BMENA campaign to conquer the African continent, essential for US global supremacy. (see previous digest issues on 'the Arab Spring' as part of the newly energized and militarized 'strategic non-violence')
Here's why MLK non-violence is more important than ever -- especially opposed to revolutionaries like Malcolm X. Finally there's a 1978 analysis by Carter's Secty. of State, now Obama 'consultant', Zbigniew Brzezinski, of the vital connection to US 'interests' between 'Black Africa and the U.S. Black Movement".

Martin Luther King, Jr. Day
At the White House Rose Garden on November 2, 1983, President Ronald Reagan signed a bill creating a federal holiday to honor King. Observed for the first time on January 20, 1986, it is called Martin Luther King, Jr. Day. Following President George H. W. Bush's 1992 proclamation, the holiday is observed on the third Monday of January each year, near the time of King's birthday.On January 17, 2000, for the first time, Martin Luther King Jr. Day was officially observed in all fifty U.S. states...
King was awarded at least fifty honorary degrees from colleges and universities in the U.S. and elsewhere. Besides winning the 1964 Nobel Peace Prize...

" We need to make clear in this political year, to congressmen on both sides of the aisle and to the president of the United States, that we will no longer tolerate, we will no longer vote for men who continue to see the killings of Vietnamese and Americans as the best way of advancing the goals of freedom and self-determination in Southeast Asia"
King called for a large march on Washington on January 13,1968, the day after President Johnson's State of the Union Address,

In the midst of violent repression of radical African Americans in the United States during the1960s, Black Panther member George Jackson said of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s non-violence tactic:
"The concept of nonviolence is a false ideal. It presupposes the existence of compassion and a sense of justice on the part of one's adversary. When this adversary has everything to lose and nothing to gain by exercising justice and compassion, his reaction can only be negative."
Malcolm X also clashed with civil rights leaders over the issue of nonviolence, arguing that violence should not be ruled out where no option remained: "I believe it's a crime for anyone being brutalized to continue to accept that brutality without doing something to defend himsel

On 30th January, 1956, a bomb was thrown into the house of Martin Luther King. He wrote about the incident in his book Stride Toward Freedom (1958).
"I was immediately driven home. As we neared the scene I noticed hundreds of people with angry faces in front of the house. The policemen were trying, in their usual rough manner, to clear the streets, but they were ignored by the crowd. One Negro was saying to a policeman, who was attempting to push him aside: "I ain't gonna move nowhere. That's the trouble now; you white folks is always pushin' us around. Now you got your .38 and I got mine; so let's battle it out." As I walked toward the front of the porch I realized that many people were armed. Nonviolent resistance was on the verge of being transformed into violence. In this atmosphere I walked out to the porch and asked the crowd to come to order. In less than a moment there was complete silence. Quietly I told them that I was all right and that my wife and baby were all right. "Now let's not become panicky," I continued. "If you have weapons, take them home; if you do not have them, please do not seek to get them. We cannot solve this problem through retaliatory violence. We must meet violence with nonviolence. Remember the words of Jesus: 'He who lives by the sword will perish by the sword.' " I then urged them to leave peacefully. "We must love our white brothers, no matter what they do to us. We must make them know we love them. Jesus still cries out in words that echo across the centuries: 'Love your enemies; bless them that curse you; pray for them that despitefully use you.' This is what we must live by. We must meet hate with love..."

MLK Day Service Network
Businesses and nonprofits are key to the success of the Martin Luther King, Jr. National Day of Service. Businesses see MLK Day as an important way to give back to the community, connect with customers, increase employee morale, and demonstrate corporate social responsibility. For nonprofits, participating in MLK Day is an opportunity to bring in new volunteers, partners, and funders that can provide resources to support your organization's work throughout the year.
Your business or nonprofit organization can support MLK Day of Service in a variety of ways. You can organize a volunteer project, give employees time to serve, provide financial or in kind support such as product donations, and raise awareness about the day and the opportunities to serve. However you participate, you are honoring Dr. King’s life and legacy and helping further his dream by making a difference in your community.
Listed below is more information on how you can become involved as a Service Leader, Strategic Partner, or part of the MLK Day Service Network. The Corporation for National and Community Service is grateful for all of the support and expertise companies and organizations provide on MLK Day and throughout the year.

MLK Day Service Leaders
MLK Service leaders are organizations planning and carrying out service projects to bring Americans together to meet community needs on the 2012 Martin Luther King, Jr. National Day of Service. These organizations will engage hundreds of thousands of Americans to help students increase educational achievement, support veterans and military families, assist individuals and communities in preparing for disasters, and meet other pressing needs across the country.

Corporate Sponsors
Corporate and business entities represent one of the most powerful forces for change in our nation. Each day corporations and their employees contribute substantial time and financial support to communities in need. They invest their expertise and financial resources to strengthen communities and solve critical social problems such as health, fitness, education, literacy, energy and environment, community revitalization, and safety and security. In collaboration with the Corporation for National and Community Service CNCS), companies can help address local needs, bring service efforts to scale, and impact communities through volunteering and civic engagement.
Our corporate supporters are making a difference by supporting volunteering and civic responsibility on a local, regional, and national level. For more information on corporate sponsorship or collaboration opportunities in support of MLK Day of Service, please complete the form on the Become a Partner Page or email us at MLKDay@cns.gov.
CNCS Corporation for National & Community Service: is a federal agency that engages more than five million Americans in service each year through its core programs, Senior Corps and AmeriCorps, and leads President Obama's national call to service initiative, United We Serve. In 1994 CNCS was charged by Congress to lead the annual Martin Luther King, Jr. National Day of Service www.nationalservice.gov

Corporate partners include:
Capital One Financial Corporation
Cola-Cola Company
ING and ING Foundation
Kraft Foods
Additional opportunities to serve include:
* AmeriCorps
* Citizen Corps
* Learn and Serve America
* Peace Corps
* Senior Corps
* Volunteers for Prosperity
* Federal Civil Service
* Foreign Service
* U.S. Military
* State and Local Government


Real revolutionary forefathers:
Frederick Douglass, 1852 Fourth of July speech (excerpt)
"...What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer; a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants, brassfronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are, to Him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy - a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of these United States, at this very hour. Go where you may, search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms of the Old World, travel through South America, search out every abuse, and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the everyday practices of this nation... for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival."

May 19, 1925 -- February 21, 1965

"Message to Grassroots", following this, was written before Malcom came to the realization that capitalism, class struggle was the underlying basis of national oppression and racism
Malcolm dared speak the truth about who benefited and supported MLK's nonviolence, and openly taught the need for genuine revolution. Before his assassination in 1965 he explained why he believed the enemy is the capitalist imperialist system and no longer believed the enemy was 'the white man'.

I used to define black nationalism as the idea that the black man should control the economy of his community, the politics of his community, and so forth.
But, when I was in Africa in May, in Ghana, I was speaking with the Algerian ambassador who is extremely militant and is a revolutionary in the true sense of the word (and has his credentials as such for having carried on a successful revolution against oppression in his country). When I told him that my political, social and economic philosophy was black nationalism, he asked me very frankly, well, where did that leave him? He was an African, Algerian, and to all appearances a white man... if I define my objective of the victory of black nationalism, where does that leave revolutionaries in Morocco, Egypt, Iraq, Mauritania?... alienating people who were true revolutionaries, dedicated to overturning the system of exploitation that exists on this earth by any means necessary. So, I had to do a lot of thinking and reappraising... I haven't changed. I see things on a broader scale. We nationalists used to think we were militant...it's smarter to say you'll to shoot a man for what he is doing to you than because he is white... my mind is open to anybody who will help get the ape off our backs.

Message to Grassroots
Malcolm X, October 10, 1963
http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?document=1145 (excerpt)
...the white man sent you to Korea, you bled. He sent you to Germany, you bled. He sent you to the South Pacific to fight Japanese, you bled. You bleed for white people. But when it comes time to seeing your own churches being bombed and little black girls be murdered, you haven’t got no blood. You bleed when the white man says bleed; you bite when the white man says bite; and you bark when the white man says bark. I hate to say this about us, but it’s true. How are you going to be nonviolent in Mississippi, as violent as you were in Korea? How can you justify being nonviolent in Mississippi and Alabama, when your churches are being bombed, and your little girls are being murdered...?
If violence is wrong in America, violence is wrong abroad. If it’s wrong to be violent defending black women and black children and black babies and black men, then it’s wrong for America to draft us and make us violent in defense of her. And if it is right for America to draft us, and teach us to be violent in defense of her, then it is right for you and me to do whatever is necessary to defend our own people right here....Of all our studies, history is best qualified to reward our research...you see you’ve got problems, all you have to do is examine the historic method used all over the world by others wITH similar problems... There’s been revolution going on in Africa....I cite various revolutions, brothers and sisters, to show you don’t have peaceful revolution. You don’t have turn—the—other—cheek revolution. There’s no such thing as a nonviolent revolution...The only revolution based on loving your enemy is the Negro revolution. The only revolution in which the goal is a desegregated lunch counter, a desegregated theater, a desegregated park, and a desegregated public toilet so you can sit down next to white folks...That’s no revolution....
The white man knows what a revolution is. He knows the black revolution is world—wide in scope and in nature. The black revolution is sweeping Asia, sweeping Africa, rearing its head in Latin America... in Asia. And the white man is screaming...How do you think he’ll react to you when you learn what a real revolution is? ...
To understand this, you have to go back to what [the] young brother here referred to as the house Negro and the field Negro —— back during slavery. There was two kinds of slaves. There was the house Negro and the field Negro. The house Negroes — they lived in the house with master, they dressed pretty good, they ate good ’cause they ate his food —— what he left. They lived in the attic or the basement, but still they lived near the master; and they loved their master more than the master loved himself. They would give their life to save the master’s house quicker than the master would. The house Negro, if the master said, "We got a good house here," the house Negro would say, "Yeah, we got a good house here." Whenever the master said "we," he said "we."
If the master’s house caught on fire, the house Negro would fight harder to put the blaze out than the master would. If the master got sick, the house Negro would say, "What’s the matter, boss, we sick?" We sick! He identified himself with his master more than his master identified with himself... In those days he was called a "house nigger." And that’s what we call him today, because we’ve still got some house niggers running around here....
On that same plantation, there was the field Negro —those were the masses... beaten from morning to night... lived in a shack.. wore old, castoff clothes...hated his master...He was intelligent....they were in the majority, and they hated the master. When the house caught on fire... that field Negro prayed for a wind... When master got sick, the field Negro prayed he’d die....You’ve got field Negroes in America today. I’m a field Negro. The masses are the field Negroes. When they see the man’s house on fire, you don’t hear these little Negroes talking about "our government is in trouble." ... Imagine a Negro: "Our government"!..."Our Navy" —— that’s a Negro that’s out of his mind.
Just as the slavemaster of that day used Tom, the house Negro, to keep the field Negroes in check, the same old slavemaster today has... 20th century Uncle Toms, to keep you and me in check, keep us under control, keep us passive and peaceful and nonviolent. That’s Tom making you nonviolent. It’s like when you go to the dentist, and the man’s going to take your tooth. You’re going to fight him when he starts pulling. So he squirts some stuff in your jaw called novocaine... So you sit there ’cause you’ve got all of that novocaine in your jaw, you suffer peacefully. Blood running all down your jaw, and you don’t know what’s happening. ’Cause someone has taught you to suffer —— peacefully.
The same strategy that was used in those days is used today... takes a so—called Negro, and make him prominent, build him up, publicize him, make him a celebrity. And then he becomes a spokesman for Negroes —— a Negro leader. I would like to mention just one other thing else quickly, and that is... how the white man uses these "big guns," Negro leaders, against the black revolution...They’re used against the black revolution.
When Martin Luther King failed to desegregate Albany, Georgia, the civil—rights struggle in America reached its low point. King became bankrupt almost, as a leader. Plus, even financially, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference was in financial trouble; plus it was in trouble, period, with the people when they failed to desegregate Albany, Georgia. Other Negro civil—rights leaders of so—called national stature became fallen idols. As they became fallen idols, began to lose their prestige and influence, Negro leaders began to stir up the masses... Negroes, whom you recognize, of national stature. They controlled you, but they never incited or excited you. They controlled you; they contained you; they kept you on the plantation....Roy started attacking King, and King started attacking Roy, Farmer started attacking both of them. And as these Negroes of national stature attacked each other, they began to lose control of the Negro masses.

Negroes was out there in the streets...talking about going to march on Washington. By the way, right at that time Birmingham had exploded, and the Negroes in Birmingham — remember, they also exploded...That’s when Kennedy sent in the troops in Birmingham. So,after that Kennedy got on the television and said "this is a moral issue."...said he was going to put out a civil—rights bill. And when he mentioned civil—rights bill and Southern crackers started talking about they were going to boycott or filibuster it, the Negroes started talking ——We’re going to march on Washington, march on the Senate, march on the White House, march on the Congress, tie it up, bring it to a halt... It was the grass roots out there in the street scared the man to death, scared the white power structure in Washington, D. C. to death; I was there. When they found out this black steamroller was going to come down on the capital, they called in Wilkins; they called in Randolph; they called in these national Negro leaders you respect and told them, "Call it off." Kennedy said, "Look, you all letting this thing go too far." And Old Tom said, "Boss, I can’t stop it, because I didn’t start it... I’m not even in it, much less at the head of it. These Negroes are doing things on their own. They’re running ahead of us." And that old shrewd fox [Kennedy] said, "Well If you all aren’t in it, I’ll put you in it. I’ll put you at the head of it. I’ll endorse it. I’ll welcome it. I’ll help it. I’ll join it."
A matter of hours went by. They had a meeting at the NYC Carlyle Hotel owned by the Kennedy family... A philanthropic society headed by a white man named Stephen Currier called all the top civil—rights leaders together at the Carlyle Hotel. And he told them "By you all fighting each other, you are destroying the civil—rights movement. And since you’re fighting over money from white liberals, let us set up what is known as the Council for United Civil Rights Leadership... and all the civil—rights organizations will belong to it, and we’ll use it for fund—raising purposes.".. And as soon as they got it formed, they elected Whitney Young chairman, and... co—chairman? Stephen Currier.. a millionaire. Powell was talking about it down at the Cobo [Hall] today... Randolph knows it happened. Wilkins knows it happened. King knows it happened. Everyone of that so—called Big Six —— they know what happened. Once they formed it, with the white man over it, he promised them and gave them $800,000 to split up between the Big Six; and told them that after the march was over they’d give them $700,000 more. A million and a half dollars —— split up between leaders that you’ve been following, going to jail for, crying crocodile tears for. And they’re nothing but Frank James and Jesse James and the what—do—you—call—’em brothers.
[As] soon as they got the setup organized the man made available to them top public relations experts; opened the news media across the country at their disposal; and then begin to project these Big Six as the leaders of the march. Originally, they weren’t even in the march....made them the march... And the first move they made after they took it over, they invited...the same element that put Kennedy in power —— labor, Catholics, Jews, and liberal Protestants... joined the march on Washington...They didn’t integrate it; they infiltrated it...took it over... the movement lost its militancy... ceased to be angry.. ceased to be hot... ceased to be uncompromising...it even ceased to be a march. It became a picnic, a circus...it was a sellout. It was a takeover. When James Baldwin came in from Paris, they wouldn’t let him talk, 'cause they couldn’t make him go by their script. Burt Lancaster read the speech that Baldwin was supposed to make...
They controlled it so tight —— they told those Negroes what time to hit town, how to come, where to stop, what signs to carry, what song to sing, what speech they could make, what speech they couldn’t make; then told them to get out town by sundown. And everyone of those Toms was out of town by sundown.


"The same rebellion, the same impatience, the same anger that exists in the hearts of the dark people in Africa and Asia is existing in the hearts and minds of 20 million black people in this country who have been just as thoroughly colonized as the people in Africa and Asia."
Malcolm X

"The Negro youth and moderate[s] must be made to understand that if they succumb to revolutionary teachings, they will be dead revolutionaries."
J. Edgar Hoover,FBI Chief, re: COINTELPRO against the Black Panther Party

digest note:
The Brzezinski National Security memorandum 46 in 1978, "Black Africa and the U.S. Black Movement" below, was issued following the U.S. COINTELPRO which murdered over 30 of Black Panther Party [BPP] leaders, beside filthy dirty tricks, destroyed the functioning of the BPP that was leading the Black national liberation movement that stood on the revolutionary shoulders of Malcolm, Mao and Marx. But COINTELPRO, like any fascist violence, could not kill the revolutionary spirit spawned by capitalist national oppression.
US capitalism's historical experience drives its mortal fear of revolution, especially Black working class led revolution, which proved able to mobilize and unite broadly. The BPP message and movement spread like wildfire beyond the ghettos to millions of the exploited and oppressed working class and ignited what was then a radical-liberal section of the 'middle class'.
The counter-revolutionary strategy laid out in "Black Africa and the US Black Movement", as you'll see, has been systematically implemented, reaching full-bloom with Obama, trained and trusted by the white supremacist ruling class as 'head house negro' to execute its bipartisan strategy for global domination - a strategy demanding 'smart power', conquering or coopting major capitalist rivals and all militant resistance - declared terrorists' by US state terrorism in its neoliberal friendly face fascist world war named, of course, a 'global war against terrorism'

Black Africa and the U.S. Black Movement
Zbigniew Brezinski
This Document is Exhibit 10 of U.S. Supreme Court Case No.00-9587
MARCH 17, 1978

Objective of our policy toward Black Africa is to prevent social upheavals which could radically change the political situation throughout the area. The success or failure of our policy in the region depends on the solution international
and internal issues whose importance of the United States is on the increase.


A multiplicity of interests influences the U.S. attitude toward black Africa. The most important of these interests can be summarized as follows:

If black African states assume attitudes hostile to the U.S. national interest, our policy toward the white regimes; which is a key element in our relations with the black states, may be subjected by the latter to great pressure for fundamental change. Thus the West may face a real danger of being deprived of access to the enormous raw material resources of southern Africa which are vital for our defense needs as well as losing control over the Cape sea routes by which approximately 65% of Middle Eastern oil is supplied to Western Europe.

Moreover, such a development may bring about internal political difficulties by intensifying the activity of the Black movement in the United States itself.

It should also be borne in mind that black Africa is an integral part of a continent where tribal and regional discord, economic backwardness, inadequate infrastructures, drought, and famine, are constant features of the scene. In conjunction with the artificial borders imposed by the former colonial powers, guerilla warfare in Rhodesia and widespread indignation against apartheid in South Africa, the above factors provide the communist states with ample opportunities for furthering their aims. This must necessarily redound to the detriment of U.S. political interests.

Black Africa is increasingly becoming an outlet for U.S. exports and investment. The mineral resources of the area continue to be of great value for the normal functioning of industry in the United States and allied countries. In 1977, U.S. direct investment in black Africa totaled about $1.8 billion and exports $2.2 billion. New prospect of substantial profits would continue to develop in the countries concerned.


Apart from the above-mentioned factors adverse to U.S. strategic interests, the nationalist liberation movement in black Africa can act as a catalyst with far reaching effects on the American black community by stimulating its organizational consolidation and by inducing radical actions. Such a result would be likely as Zaire went the way of Angola and Mozambique.

An occurrence of the events of *1967-68 would do grievous harm to U.S. prestige, especially in view of the concern of the present Administration with human rights issues. Moreover, the Administration would have to take specific steps to stabilize the situation. Such steps might be misunderstood both inside and outside the United States.

In order to prevent such a trend and protect U.S. national security interests, it would appear essential to elaborate and carry out effective countermeasures.
1. Possibility of Joint Action By U.S. Black and African Nationalist Movement.
In elaborating U.S. policy toward black Africa, due weight must be given to the fact that there are 25 millions American blacks whose roots are African and who consciously or subconsciously sympathies with African nationalism.
The living conditions of the black population should also be taken into account. Immense advances in the field are accompanied by a long-lasting high rate of unemployment, especially among the youth and by poverty and dissatisfaction with government social welfare standards.
These factors taken together may provide a basis for joint actions of a concrete nature by the African nationalist movement and the U.S. black community... renewal of the extremist national idea of establishing an "African Republic" on American soil. Finally, leftist radical elements of the Black community could resume extremist actions in the style of the defunct Black Panther Party. ...
Basically, actions would take the form of demonstrations and public protests, but the likelihood of violence cannot be excluded. There would also be attempts to coordinate their political activity both locally and in international organizations.

In the context of long-term strategy, the United States can not afford a radical change in the fundamentals of its African policy, which is designed for maximum protection of national security. In the present case, emphasis is laid on the importance of Black Africa for U.S. political, economic and military interests.

In weighing the range of U.S. interests in Black Africa, basic recommendations arranged without intent to imply priority are:
1. Specific steps should be taken with the help of appropriate government agencies to inhibit coordinated activity of the Black Movement in the United States.
2. Special clandestine operations should be launched by the CIA to generate mistrust and hostility in American and world opinion against joint activity of the two forces, and to cause division among Black African radical national groups and their leaders.
3. U.S. embassies to Black African countries specially interested in southern Africa must be highly circumspect in view of the activity of certain political circles and influential individuals opposing the objectives and methods of U.S. policy toward South Africa. It must be kept in mind that the failure of U.S. strategy in South Africa would adversely affect American standing throughout the world. In addition, this would mean a significant diminution of U.S. influence in Africa and the emergence of new difficulties in our internal situation due to worsening economic prospects.
4. The FBI should mount surveillance operations against Black African representatives and collect sensitive information on those, especially at the U.N., who oppose U.S. policy toward South Africa. The information should include facts on their links with the leaders of the Black movement in the United States, thus making possible at least partial neutralization of the adverse effects of their activity.


The concern for the future security of the United States makes necessary the range of policy options. Arranged without intent imply priority they are:
(a) to enlarge programs, within the framework of the present budget, for the improvement of the social and economic welfare of American Blacks in order to ensure continuing development of present trends in the Black movement;
(b) to elaborate and bring into effect a special program designed to perpetuate division in the Black movement and neutralize the most active groups of leftist radical organizations representing different social strata of the Black community: to encourage division in Black circles;
(c) to preserve the present climate which inhibits the emergence from within the Black leadership of a person capable of exerting nationwide appeal;
(d) to work out and realize preventive operations in order to impede durable ties between U.S Black organizations and radical groups in African states;
e) to support actions designed to sharpen social stratification in the Black community which would lead to the widening and perpetuation of the gap between successful educated Blacks and the poor, giving rise to growing antagonism between different Black groups and a weakening of the movement as a whole.
(f) to facilitate the greatest possible expansion of Black business by granting government contracts and loans with favorable terms to Black businessmen;
(g) to take every possible means through the AFL-CIO leaders to counteract the increasing influence of Black labor organizations which function in all major unions and in particular, the National Coalition of Black Trade Union and its leadership including the creation of real preference for adverse and hostile reaction among White trade unionists to demands for improvement of social and economic welfare of the Blacks;
(h) to support the nomination at federal and local levels of loyal Black public figures to elective offices, to government agencies and the Court.

"Democracy is inimical to imperial mobilization."
Z. Brzezinski.The Grand Chessboard, 1997

“In brief, the U.S policy goal must be unapologetically twofold: to perpetuate America’s own dominant position for at least a generation and preferably longer still; and to create a geopolitical framework that can absorb the inevitable shocks and strains of social-political change...”
-Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives, 1997

Barack Hussein Bush
One benefit of the Obama Presidency is that it is validating much of George W. Bush’s security agenda and foreign policy merely by dint of autobiographical rebranding [and with] ….artfully repackaged versions of themes President Bush sounded with his freedom agenda. We mean that as a compliment [… ]
Wall Street Journal, June 5, 2009 http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124416109792287285.html